AS we approach the 2024 elections in India, several factors come into play regarding the attempts of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its leader, Prime Minister Narendra Modi to secure a victory. Let’s explore some of these aspects: The Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA), a coalition of over two dozen opposition parties, initially aimed to pose a formidable challenge to the BJP has been weakened due to BJP strong-arm tactics. Opposition leaders have been targeted, with arrests, investigations and raids on their homes and offices. New Delhi’s Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal was arrested by the Enforcement Directorate on trumped up charges related to liquor licenses. The US took cognizance of the protest rallies being held to demand the release of the highly popular Aam Aadmi leader’s arrest but BJP struck back by summoning the top US Ambassador to protest about criticism by Washington of Kejriwal’s arrest.
The Indian National Congress, the main opposition party, has also faced hurdles. Its bank accounts were frozen over a tax dispute and Congress leader Rahul Gandhi received a suspended sentence on defamation charges. Rahul had narrated a joke targeting Narendra Modi in the Lok Sabha. Narendra Modi used the consecration of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, built after the demolition of the historic Babri Masjid for electoral gains. Modi’s popularity surged after the inauguration of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya. He went to the extent of not only airing the event live on national media but screening it free of cost in cinema houses all over India. The Ram Temple Movement has already paid rich dividends to the BJP’s political fortunes. The party won just two seats out of 543 in the lower house of parliament in 1984. A decade later, in the first national elections after the Babri Masjid’s demolition, it surged to become India’s single-largest party, winning 161 seats.
As its brand of Hindu nationalism slowly gained acceptability, BJP came to power again in 1998 and ruled with allies until 2004. After a decade out of power, it stormed back into office under Modi, in 2014 with a pledge to reform the country’s economy and usher in a new era of development — but he also heavily pushed the Hindutva ideology that believes India should become a land for Hindus, which propelled him to victory in 2019. Media has been used to influence and impact public perception and electoral outcomes. At state and national level, the apparatus of the country has been skewed heavily towards the BJP since Modi was elected in 2014. He has been accused of overseeing an unprecedented consolidation of power, muzzling critical media, eroding the independence of the judiciary and all forms of parliamentary scrutiny and accountability and using government agencies to pursue and jail political opponents.
The Indian Ministry of Defence is also setting up 822 “selfie points” at war memorials, defence museums, railway stations and tourist attractions where people can take photos of themselves with a Modi cutout. Modi’s enforced use of media to ensure desired results has given rise to the term “Godi media”, which refers to the sensationalist and biased Indian print and TV news media that is perceived to support the ruling NDA government. It is a play on words, combining “Godi” (which means “lap” in Hindi) with Modi’s name. It implies that these media outlets are like lap dogs, echoing the government’s narratives and serving as mouthpieces for the BJP. When Modi came to power in 2014, there was a reorganization of editorial authority in India’s major news institutions, particularly national television networks. Senior editors who were perceived as more aligned with India’s liberal outlook were replaced and new channels and news leaders with loyalty to the BJP and Modi emerged. Modi has taken over one of the few remaining independent television stations through a dubious billionaire ally
The central government spends substantial amounts on advertisements, ensuring influence over media outlets. The government often ensures that the media seek approval for their reporting, minimizing negative news about the government. The term “Godi Media” gained popularity and was used during protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the Indian farmers’ protest. It is alleged that such media outlets publish fake news and inflammatory stories to support BJP’s narrative and defame the opposition. When the BBC aired a documentary titled “The Modi Question,” which delved into Modi’s role during the 2002 Gujarat riots, the BJP moved rapidly to punish the BBC and do damage control. Social media including YouTube was forced to ban the airing of the documentary, while BBC offices were targeted for attacks.
“The Financial Times” (FT), a British daily business newspaper, has expressed concern about the state of democracy in India. In an opinion piece titled ‘The mother of democracy is not in good shape,’ the newspaper highlights the widening gap between pro-democratic rhetoric and reality in India. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has often referred to India as the “Mother of Democracy.” However, recent developments suggest otherwise. The editorial identifies the intensifying clampdown on opposition parties. This situation has worrying implications for the upcoming Lok Sabha Elections 2024. The FT opinion piece mentions several key observations; e.g. that the rule of Prime Minister Modi’s BJP has seen a squeeze on free expression and opposition. Harassment, often by tax or legal authorities, has become common for government critics, including independent media, academics, think tanks and civil society groups, eroding India’s tradition of secular democracy.
Opposition charges of ‘misuse’ of investigation agencies against the PM Modi-led government have been a point of contention. The BJP has been accused of shielding politicians accused of corruption after they switched over to the party. The recent ‘Loktantra Bachao’ rally held at Delhi’s Ramlila Maidan brought key opposition leaders together in solidarity with Arvind Kejriwal. Rahul Gandhi accused Modi of ‘match-fixing’ in the run-up to the elections. Not a single Muslim has been given an election ticket. The future of Indian minorities remains bleak while Hindutva will be on the rise, destabilizing the entire region.
—The writer is a Retired Group Captain of PAF, who has written several books on China.
Email: sultanm.hali@gmail.com
