WHEN Allama Iqbal (may Allah have mercy on him) returned from his visit to Spain, he told the Muslims of the subcontinent, “O Muslims!
If we allow the system of our religious schools and Madaris to end in India, then know that the situation here will become like what I saw in Spain.
Despite eight hundred years of Muslim rule, today, other than the ruins of Granada and Cordoba, there are no traces of Islam and Islamic civilization.
Likewise, in India, there will be no sign of the thousand-year Muslim rule and civilization.
” Therefore, it becomes evident how fundamental and important our Madaris and schools are in the resurgence of Islam’s former glory.
Religious schools are the fortresses of Islam, sources of guidance, sanctuaries of faith and significant means of propagating the religion.
My late father, General Hamid Gul (may Allah have mercy on him) and I have worked extenively on madrasa reforms.
I organized meetings with scholars and even held a record eight-hour session with National Security Advisor General Nasir Janjua.
While many of our proposals for integrating Madaris into the national mainstream have been adopted, the persistent question remains: why are Madaris always viewed with suspicion?
Why is there no scrutiny of other educational institutions?
Madaris have consistently upheld the slogan of “Pakistan Zindabad,” yet some elite universities, particularly a costly private institution in Lahore, allow open criticism of the country.
Why this double standard?
When madrasa stu-dents protest, it’s seen as a threat to law and order, but when others demonstrate, it’s called their democratic right.
Is this selective treatment a move to appease Western narra-tives?
The state, like a mother, is responsible for ensuring free education for all—so why does it ignore Madaris?
Their vital role in promoting education, offering free services and preserving ideological values is met with undue suspicion.
In truth, religious schools and scholars remain the defenders of Pakistan’s ideological frontiers.
After 9/11, Madaris in Pakistan came under scrutiny due to widespread misconceptions portraying Islamic education as outdated and irrelevant to modern challenges.
This column critically examines Pakistan’s madrasa education system and its pressing issues.
The country hosts three parallel education systems: Madaris, public schools and private institutions.
Ac-cording to a report, over 43,000 Madaris operate nationwide—78% privately managed and 22% publicly run—enrolling 4.6 million students aged 5 to 25 (8.5% of total enrollment), including 2.7 million males and 1.9 million females.
Most students hail from rural areas and low-income families, with over 60% earning less than 30,000 PKR monthly.
Beyond educa-tion, Madaris provide free boarding, meals and medical care.
Oversight of curriculum, exams and certification lies with the Directorate General of Religious Education (DGRE), operating under the Ministry of Federal Education and Professional Training (MoFE&PT).
Out of 15 madrasa boards, 10 are registered with DGRE, while the remaining five are affiliated under the Societies Registration Act of 1860 through the Ittehad Tanzeemat Madaris Pakistan (ITMP).
These boards represent various sects, including Deobandi, Sunni, Ahl-e-Hadith, Shi’ah and inclusive institutions like Rabta al-Madaris.
Together, they form a united platform working to standardize and advance religious education across the country.
The governing body for religious schools in Pakistan was formed in 2003.
About 30% of Madaris operate under Wifaq al-Madaris, 21.4% under Tanzeem al-Madaris Ahl-e-Sunnat Pakistan, 7.4% under Rabta al-Madaris, while 28% remain unaffiliated.
Registered federa-tions include Ittehad al-Madaris al-Arabiyyah (Deobandi), Ittehad al-Madaris al-Islamiyyah (Ahl-e-Hadith), Nizam al-Madaris and Wifaq al-Madaris al-Islamiyyah al-Ridwiyyah (Barelvi), and Majma al-Madaris Taaleem al-Kitab wal-Hikmat (Ahl-e-Tashi).
Unregistered ones include Rabta al-Madaris al-Islamiyyah (JUI), Tanzeem al-Madaris Ahl-e-Sunnat (Barelvi), Wifaq al-Madaris al-Shi’ah (Ahl-e-Tashi), and Wifaq al-Madaris al-Arabiyyah (Deobandi).
Like the modern system, Madaris follow educational levels: primary (Quran memorization), interme-diate (Fiqh, Hadith, Arabic), secondary (Matric equivalent, including Islamic studies) and higher secondary (Tafsir, advanced Arabic).
At the bachelor’s level, Shahadat al-Aaliah cov-ers Islamic law, jurisprudence, philosophy and Arabic.
The Shahadat al-Alamiyyah, equiva-lent to a master’s, is awarded to scholars who pursue advanced research in Fiqh, Islamic phi-losophy, and religious studies.
According to official documents, there are 17,738 registered Madaris in Pakistan, with a reg-istered student population of 2,249,520.
In Punjab, there are 10,012 registered Madaris with 664,065 students.
Sindh has 2,416 registered Madaris with 188,182 students, while Ba-lochistan has 575 registered Madaris and 71,815 students.
In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the number of registered Madaris is 4,005, with a total student count of 1,283,024.
Azad Jammu and Kashmir has 445 registered Madaris and 26,787 students.
The federal capital, Islama-bad, has 199 registered Madaris with 11,301 students and in Gilgit-Baltistan, there are 86 registered Madaris with 4,346 students.
It is regrettable that despite their significant role in the education system, 86% of graduates from Madaris are deemed qualified only for em-ployment in Madaris, mosques and low-paid professions.
Nevertheless, the government has made several attempts at reforming Madaris, which include the Pakistan Madrasa Education Board Ordinance of 2001, the National Action Plan (NAP) of 2014, the National Internal Se-curity Policy (NISP) of 2018 and the Madrasa Reform Agreement of 2019, among other ini-tiatives.
From Ayub Khan to Pervez Musharraf, nearly every government has attempted to bring re-forms to madrasa education in Pakistan.
The primary aim of all these efforts has been to link madrasa education to the country’s formal education system in order to integrate madrasa graduates into the national mainstream.
However, no concrete results have emerged from these efforts thus far.
It is the fundamental responsibility of the state to undertake serious measures, after consulting all stakeholders, to address the issues faced by Madaris.
It is es-sential to recognize the dangerous plans being pursued by global imperialism to eliminate and undermine Madaris, which demand our serious attention.
—The writer is Chairman, Tehrik Jawanan Pakistan. (abdullahhamidgul1@gmail.com)
