IN March 2025, during the deadly Jaffar Express train attack, the Indian media gave BLA terrorists extensive airtime while instantly blaming Pakistan for the Pahalgam terror attack.
This selective narrative-building reflects India’s broader strategy of shaping international opinion.
The roots of the current hostility trace back to August 2019, when Modi revoked Kashmir’s special status.
By early 2021, Indian and Pakistani media reported that General Bajwa had compromised on the Kashmir issue.
Yet, India’s claim that Kashmiris have assimilated remains hollow, as 700,000 Indian troops continue to occupy the region.
The Resistance Front (TRF) claimed responsibility for the recent Pahalgam attack, citing demographic changes following the 2019 abrogation.
The Indian media amplified Asim Munir’s reference to the two-nation theory, but remained silent when Modi endorsed Bollywood’s Chaava, a film that cashed in on that very theory and stoked anti-Muslim sentiment.
The Pahalgam incident has stirred international concern.
Meanwhile, US-Pakistan relations have gained momentum.
In February, President Trump released US$397 million for Pakistan’s F-16s.
In March, during a joint address to the US Congress, Trump thanked Pakistan for arresting the 2021 Kabul airport bomber.
This growing cooperation reflects strategic US interests in the region.
The Trump administration aims to retake Afghanistan’s Bagram Air Base, necessitating close collaboration with Pakistan.
At a US Congressional hearing in February, lawmakers Tim Burchett and Marjorie Taylor Greene revealed that US$40 million per week was being flown into Afghanistan via charter jets, funding the Taliban through auctions.
USAID and US$7 billion worth of abandoned US arms had sustained the Taliban regime.
In response, Trump suspended USAID and demanded the return of American weaponry, leading to a thaw in Afghanistan-Pakistan ties.
As a result, Finance Minister Ishaq Dar visited Kabul on April 19.
Pakistan-Russia relations have deepened, particularly in energy, food security and counter-terrorism.
Bilateral trade reached US$1 billion in 2024.
Following the end of USAID, Russia removed Afghanistan from its list of terrorist organizations, marking a new chapter in regional diplomacy.
Under Yunus, Bangladesh has cultivated strategic military ties with Pakistan.
In January, the ISI chief visited Rangpur, near India’s narrow Siliguri Corridor—a vital link between its northeast and the rest of the country.
Pakistan’s longstanding partnership with China has strengthened its military capabilities.
Chinese technology has helped modernize Pakistan’s defence sector, reinforcing its position on the global stage.
Despite India’s diplomatic efforts to isolate it, Pakistan signed defence export deals worth US$32 billion in 2025.
Modi’s visit to the US received a lackluster response.
During the trip, he pampered Elon Musk’s children in the White House—a gesture reminiscent of colonial subservience.
Meanwhile, Trump imposed 27% tariffs on Indian goods.
Undocumented Indian immigrants were deported on US military planes, hands and feet chained—yet Modi remained silent.
Trump also revised a US$1 billion deal for F-414 engines for India’s Tejas jets, demanding an extra US$500 million.
The delay has crippled the Indian Air Force, which is already struggling with frequent crashes of aging aircraft.
India’s economy, lauded for its 7% growth, depends heavily on US trade.
J.D.Vance recently visited India to negotiate tariffs—a process that could reshape India’s economic trajectory.
On the military front, India ceded territory to China in Ladakh in 2021 and 2022.
Modi’s domestic popularity has plunged.
The TRF gunmen, allegedly sent by Pakistan, killed Hindu men—reviving Islamophobic narratives that often bolster Modi’s political standing.
Trump’s tariffs, the Khalistan tensions with Canada and the UK, an aging Air Force, rampant corruption and a population where 60% rely on government flour rations are all overshadowed by anti-Muslim rhetoric.
A media frenzy is now pressuring Modi to respond militarily.
But with a weakened force, India cannot dominate in any escalation.
To avoid a repeat of the 2019 embarrassment—when Abhinandan’s MiG-21 was downed—India has resorted to water as a weapon.
It unilaterally suspended the Indus Waters Treaty, violating international law, then released Jhelum river water without warning.
Diplomatic ties were downgraded, trade halted and borders sealed.
In response, Pakistan signalled its war readiness.
While India relies on its BrahMos missiles, Pakistan has matched its capability since March 2022, evidenced by a surface-to-surface missile test in Karachi.
India’s only true trump card lies in its diplomatic reach.
Modi has weaponized international diplomacy to label Pakistan as a hub of global terrorism.
India’s Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri briefed G20 ambassadors, including Qatar, accusing Pakistan without presenting evidence.
The G20—comprising the world’s top economies—represents 85% of global GDP, 75% of international trade and two-thirds of the population.
These include the US, China, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Brazil and others.
India is now waging war on the diplomatic front.
The objective is clear: disrupt Pakistan’s JF-17 fighter sales, arms exports, trade agreements, potential BRICS membership and global standing.
Yet, back home, Pakistan’s media discourse remains obsessed with military bashing in support of the jailed PTI chief.
At a time when India is executing a high-stakes international strategy, Pakistan must creatively and proactively counter Indian propaganda with smart, sustained engagement across global forums.
—The writer is a freelance columnist.
(aliya1924@gmail.com)
