“Pakistan must balance its unwavering support for Palestine with the pragmatic demands of a changing Middle East, where quiet diplomacy increasingly shapes the contours of foreign policy decisions.”
THE recent flurry of diplomatic shifts in the Middle East, from normalization agreements with Israel to increasing strategic alignments between Arab States and the West, has reignited the debate over Pakistan’s Israel policy. Pakistan’s position on Israel has long been rooted in ideological solidarity with Palestine, framed by its foundational principles and its vocal advocacy for Muslim causes at international forums like the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). But the diplomatic terrain is shifting rapidly. The Abraham Accords, the changing posture of key Arab States and the renewed push by the United States and European partners to reshape regional alliances have created both dilemmas and opportunities for countries like Pakistan.
Pakistan’s refusal to recognize Israel is not merely a matter of ideological or religious posturing. It is underpinned by legal, diplomatic and geopolitical considerations. Successive Pakistani governments have held that any recognition of Israel would be premature without a just settlement of the Palestinian question based on pre-1967 borders with East Jerusalem as the capital of a viable Palestinian State. This position is in line with numerous United Nations resolutions and international law. However, the quiet realignments within the Muslim world have created space for back channel diplomacy and subtle reassessments.
Recent reports of Pakistan engaging in quiet, unofficial contacts with Israeli representatives have neither been confirmed nor denied at the official level. Former Foreign Minister Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri’s book Neither a Hawk Nor a Dove acknowledged such unofficial meetings during the Musharraf era, aimed at exploring the terrain without any formal commitments. The idea was to understand the shifting contours of global diplomacy without compromising Pakistan’s principled stance. This tightrope walk remains relevant today as the country navigates its diplomatic path amid growing pressure to recalibrate outdated foreign policy paradigms.
Meanwhile, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, traditionally seen as the voice of the Muslim world, has itself become a study in contradictions. While the OIC continues to pass resolutions condemning Israeli aggression and reaffirming solidarity with the Palestinian people, some of its most influential member states have established full diplomatic ties with Israel. This divergence between the collective rhetoric of the OIC and the individual actions of its member states raises important questions about the organization’s future relevance and coherence. Pakistan, one of the most vocal members of the OIC on the Palestinian issue, finds itself at a critical crossroads. It must uphold its commitment to the Palestinian cause while responding to new geopolitical realities. As Saudi Arabia inches closer to a possible formal recognition of Israel, Pakistan will come under increasing pressure from its traditional allies and economic patrons to soften its tone. But any abrupt policy shift risks alienating domestic constituencies and provoking political backlash from religious groups and opposition parties.
Compounding these challenges is the situation in Gaza. The brutal military campaigns in the occupied territories and the rising civilian death toll have reignited global outrage. Pakistan’s strong and consistent condemnation of Israeli actions in international forums has been widely appreciated in the Muslim world. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and the Foreign Office have both maintained that no normalization with Israel is possible unless the Palestinian people are given their due rights. This messaging finds strong resonance among the Pakistani public, where the Palestine issue evokes deep emotional and ideological solidarity.
However, pragmatism is creeping into policymaking circles. The global shift toward digital economies, security alliances and regional connectivity is forcing Pakistan to rethink its isolationist tendencies. It cannot afford to be left out of emerging strategic and economic frameworks that now include Israel in some form or another. Quiet diplomacy, back channel communications and people-to-people contacts are expected to continue as Islamabad watches how the Arab capitals recalibrate their policies. The possibility of recognizing Israel is not completely off the table, but any move in that direction will be calculated, cautious and context-dependent. Pakistan may consider conditional engagement if Israel demonstrates genuine willingness for a two-state solution and halts its aggressive expansionist policies. Even then, such engagement would likely remain low-key, symbolic and reversible, designed to test waters rather than signal a full policy reversal.
It is also worth noting that global pressure on Pakistan to recognize Israel has not been as intense as often presumed. Unlike some other Muslim-majority states, Pakistan has nuclear deterrence, strategic depth and diplomatic leverage that allow it to withstand such pressure. The bigger concern is not coercion from abroad but confusion within. A fragmented domestic consensus, weak institutional decision-making and inconsistent foreign policy messaging could turn this issue into a national controversy unless handled with tact and clarity.
In the end, Pakistan’s stance on Israel will likely remain rooted in the moral and legal imperatives tied to the Palestinian struggle. But how it articulates and operationalizes that stance in the future will require a careful balancing act. The world is changing and so are the ways States pursue their national interest. Pragmatic diplomacy, without abandoning core principles, may be the only sustainable path forward for Pakistan.
—The writer is a senior media academic, former Dean of Mass Communication at Beaconhouse National University and University of Central Punjab, and currently a Professor at the University of Central Punjab.
(drtaimoorulhassan@gmail.com)
