IT was in the 1761 Battle of Panipat (Third) that the power of the emerging Hindu Maratha Confederacy was shattered by the Muslims with the support of Ibrahim Lodhi.
Never again could the Hindus regain such power—until the British left and handed them governance in the name of so-called democracy and a tailored majority, which was only achievable through the inclusion of Dalits and Jains into the Hindu fold.
The defeat of modern India and of Modi marks a historic moment.
Modi belongs to the ideological lineage of Shivaji.
Now, he is like an injured snake—and the people of Pakistan should remain alert to his potential actions.
Any mischief can be expected in his attempts to recover from this setback.
He will likely have tacit support from the Americans and open backing from Israel.
The period between May 6 and 8, 2025, will always be remembered as a defining moment in the history of Pakistan’s armed forces in particular and for the country at large.
Within just two days, the strategic balance in South Asia shifted for the foreseeable future.
India reportedly suffered a staggering loss of $83 billion in infrastructure and equipment—along with the collapse of its self-created aura of military superiority.
Its dream of becoming a permanent member of the UN Security Council now stands shattered.
The newly emerging situation, both domestically and militarily, has created an environment of near-war.
It is also likely to embolden separatist movements within India.
Pakistan’s operation showcased superb intelligence gathering and excellent coordination among the three branches of the defence forces.
They deserve the highest praise.
History bears witness that battles are won not merely with equipment and weaponry, but through effective leadership and sound military strategy.
It is this combination that ensures victory.
For the past two years, in both my articles and television analyses, I have consistently maintained three key points: first, India has been building up its logistics along the Line of Control and in some areas of the international border; second, India has been instrumental in increasing subversion and sabotage within Pakistan; and third, in domestic politics, the BJP’s agenda has been clear from the very beginning.
Walter Anderson in his book elaborates Hindutva in great detail.
RSS articulated the strategy and tactics to deal with Pakistan and Kashmir.
The work has been going on from last forty years.
It got accelerated during BJP regime.
RSS has gone to great length to design and frame the policies to reshape India into RSS ideology.
It has been going on since 1947.
The theme, RSS borrowed was from Nazis 1935 in Germany and from Mussolini in Italy.
Committees were constituted to prepare the draft policy lines on each and every affair of Indian society right from business to bureaucracy.
The result, in the last 15 years we see the consolidation of these efforts.
The reflection of this has been in the announcement of the BJP leaderships churning out venom against Pakistan and claiming that they can undo it as and when they desire.
Unfortunately, because of their size and population and growing economy they have many buyers of their philosophy.
The western societies find Hindu rituals not only colourful but liberal.
India claimed to be the largest democracy and pushed this theme for the last 70 years.
In this period the ruling class has been Brahmans who are only 12 to 15% of the Hindu population.
Rest are Khatris and other low caste Hindus.
It is for that reason that South India never trusted the leadership of Central India, especially constituting Brahmans.
It is interesting to note the venom Brahmans have against low caste and especially Muslims hold no bars.
When Maratha Confederacy was consolidated in the 18th Century even Shivaji was not owned by Brahmans for the coronation ceremony as he was not a Brahman.
The RSS ideology has deeply damaged Indian society, once rooted in secularism and democracy.
Over the past four to five years, the BJP has become increasingly hostile toward Pakistan, orchestrating false flag operations to stir domestic sentiment and create pretexts for aggression.
Many Pakistani liberals fail to grasp the underlying dynamics of the Hindu mindset.
The Pahalgam attack was clearly an inside job—timed to impress Americans during presidential visits, sway internal politics and threaten Pakistan.
India’s 1971 victory over 22,000 Pakistani troops—achieved with over a million Indian soldiers and half a million Mukti Bahini—fostered an inflated sense of pride.
Having been part of those operations, I affirm that Indian forces never overran a single Pakistani fortress.
The fall of Dhaka stemmed from logistical isolation and the inability to redeploy troops, not battlefield defeat.
Today, Pakistan’s military is among the world’s strongest—well-integrated, battle-hardened by three wars with India and decades of anti-terror operations.
Its strength lies in faith in Allah and a mission to defend the homeland.
Indian soldiers, on the other hand, serve hegemonic ambitions, making the two armies’ motivations fundamentally different.
As Sun Tzu said, when war becomes existential, resistance becomes absolute.
It must be noted that we have won a battle but the war has just begun.
It will continue to its ultimate and it is up to the leadership of India to choose the path of friendship and good neighbourly relations or war, there’ll be nothing but destruction for the people of subcontinent due to Hindutva mindset of the Indian rulers.
On Pakistani side, we must analyse the operation and examine in detail to find out the pluses, the minuses and then take necessary actions in the field of military strategy, economy, diplomacy and political management.
The most crucial is how we behave and conduct negotiations.
Indians are past master in art of deceit, diplomacy and delay tactics.
—The author is a Brigadier Retired, a decorated officer with 32 years of active combat experience, 30 years in corporate sector as MD/COO. A column writer, Researcher and TV analyst.(tariqkhalil21@gmail.com)
